By Luis López
During this quantity, Luis L?pez sheds new mild on info constitution and makes an important contribution to paintings on grammatical operations within the Minimalist software. via a cautious research of dislocations and concentration fronting in Romance, the writer exhibits that notions comparable to 'topic' and 'focus', as frequently outlined, yield no predictions and proposes in its place a characteristic procedure in keeping with the notions 'discourse anaphor' and 'contrast'. He provides a close version of syntax---information-structure interplay and argues that this interplay occurs on the part point, with a privileged function for the sting of the section. additional, he investigates phenomena about the syntax of gadgets in Romance and Germanic - accusative A, p-movement, clitic doubling, scrambling, item shift - and indicates that there are cross-linguistic correlations among syntactic configuration and specificity, self sustaining of discourse connectedness. the quantity ends with a longer research of the syntax of dislocations in Romance.
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Additional info for A Derivational Syntax for Information Structure (Studies in Theoretical Linguistics)
2. Portuguese clitic-less dislocations are postponed for future research. 1 Topic The dominant paradigm for the study of the mapping between sentence structure and information structure pivots around the central concepts of topic and focus (see Lambrecht 1994, Erteschik-Shir 1997, 2006 among many others). This paradigm has inXuenced the Romance Weld—particularly since Rizzi 1997, which has thus taken FFed constituents to be focused constituents moved to a Spec, Foc, while dislocated constituents are taken to be topics moved to a Spec, Top.
El diari va dir que el Joan es volia divorciar de la Jennifer. ’ b. En quant a la Jennifer, el diari va dir que el Joan es volia divorciar d’ella. ’ c. El diari va dir de la Jennifer que el Joan es volia divorciar d’ella. 7c). However, la Jennifer is not dislocated. Thus, the ‘‘said about’’ test embraces constituents that are not dislocated and does not reach several types of examples of dislocates. 5 Reinhart (1981: 73–8). 6 Moreover, as has often been pointed out, the term ‘‘old information’’ is misleading, because a DP is not ‘‘information’’, a term that is more appropriate to use for propositions—hence my scary quotes.
P-movement, scrambling, and object shift can be shown to have moved to Spec,v and they are all [+a]. CLD and accusative A are not in situ either but they do not move as high as Spec,v (unless they are additionally p-moved or dislocated). I posit movement to Spec,V or some other phase-internal position for accusative A and CLD. CLD and accusative A are not [+a], instead, the former is obligatorily speciWc while the second is optionally so. Thus, I argue that while the edges of phases are interface points where obligatory interpretation rules apply, movement to phase-internal positions can enlarge the available interpretations of objects because they can be bound or anchored (von Heusinger 2002) to higher constituents.
A Derivational Syntax for Information Structure (Studies in Theoretical Linguistics) by Luis López