By Yoshiki Ogawa
Syntactically conversing, it has lengthy been identified that noun words are parallel to clauses in lots of respects. whereas so much syntactic theories contain this precept, nouns have often been considered as not as good as verbs when it comes to their licensing skills, and nominal projections were considered as much less complicated than verbal projections when it comes to the variety of sensible different types that they comprise. Ogawa, despite the fact that, argues that clauses and noun words are completely parallel. This publication presents a unified conception of clauses and noun words, eventually supporting to simplify a number of thorny matters within the syntax/morphology interface.
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Additional info for A Unified Theory of Verbal and Nominal Projections
The most trivial solution could be that whether a head can or cannot license multiple Specs may be a matter of parametrization. 3. On standard assumptions, the expletives such as there and it can check their formal features in the positions to which they are merged, since they are not arguments which require theta marking. As for there, however, we may propose that it originates inside VP and moves to the Spec of TP in overt syntax for feature checking. We do not explore the latter possibility here, though there are some pieces of circumstantial evidence for this proposal.
Dat Anna misschien [haar broeder een CD t] wil geven that Anna perhaps her brother a CD will give The interchangeability of main and auxiliary verbs in (48) shows that in either (48a) or (48b), the main verb is raised and adjoined to the auxiliary verb. (Alternatively, the verb raising has taken place in both examples. ) In short, Dutch is nondistinct from Frisian in that it has overt V-to-I movement. Given that both Infl and C have a V-feature and that V-to-C is driven by the (strong) uninterpretable V-feature of C, the generalization in (47) can be explained by the Minimal Link Condition.
Now, the ditransitive verbs pattern with the tell-class verbs: (23) a. A lady was given the bouquet. *There was given (to) a lady a bouquet. The fact that the Goal NP in (19) cannot be accompanied by the overt preposition to is also comparable to the absence of to in the double object construction. " As far as the structural distinction between (16) and (19) is well-motivated, the fact that the tell-class verbs allow their CP argument to be headed by the null C is not problematic for us. 4 Further Cross-linguistic Data This section demonstrates that our treatment of the facts in English and French (= (1) and (17)) is corroborated by the facts in many other (typologically unrelated) languages.
A Unified Theory of Verbal and Nominal Projections by Yoshiki Ogawa